Its Federal Foreign Office said in a statement: “A large-scale military offensive also entails the risk that the catastrophic humanitarian situation for the population in Gaza and the situation of the remaining hostages will continue to deteriorate and that the prospect of an urgently needed long-term ceasefire fades.”
repeated, deadly attacksfrom the Taliban and its allies, including the Haqqani group.
After the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, New Delhi evacuated its embassy and once again refused to recognise the group. However, unlike during the Taliban’s first stint in power, India built diplomatic contacts with the group –first behind closed doors, then, increasingly, publicly.
The logic was simple, say analysts: India realised that by refusing to engage with the Taliban earlier, it had ceded influence in Afghanistan to Pakistan, its regional rival.In June 2022, less than a year after the Taliban’s return to power, India reopened its embassy in Kabul by deploying a team of “technical experts” to run it. In November 2024, the Taliban appointed an acting consul at the Afghan consulate in Mumbai.
Then, last January, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri and Muttaqi both
flew to Dubai for a meetingHowever, by Sunday, he welcomed von der Leyen’s assertion that the bloc is willing to negotiate but needs more time.
“Europe is ready to advance talks swiftly and decisively,” she recapped on X. “To reach a good deal, we would need the time until July 9.”The bloc’s top trade negotiator, Maros Sefcovic, had on Friday
the US to show “mutual respect, not threats”.Trump roiled financial markets with his Liberation Day announcement in April, which threatened sweeping tariffs on multiple countries.